1. Frame I assumes that gender differences are real and persistent. Are women naturally inclined to display "exaggerated enthusiasm," or is that a gen- dered/sexualized micropractice that is reinforced and rewarded in organiza- tional contexts, as Frame 2 might suggest? 2. Interestingly, male cheerleaders, who have also demonstrated cheer skills, are not being recruited to the same degree as their female counterparts. What is it about our social constructions of gender and organization that might dis- courage pharmaceutical representatives from recruiting male cheerleaders? 3. Sales representatives are hired for their ability to perform and display partic- ular emotions (e.g., enthusiasm). What sorts of emotion labor benefits and burdens come with the (sales) territory? 4. A Frame 3 lens suggests that when pharmaceutical companies recruit young women to be sales representatives, specific gendered organizational narra- tives are produced and reproduced. What sorts of organizational narratives or scripts are created when companies explicitly recruit female cheerleaders into support staff roles? In what ways are those gendered narratives helpful? In what ways are they problematic? S. In the spirit of Frame 4, spend some time exploring mediated representations of working professional women. What types of images of working women do you see in film, television, and print? How do those images align with the image of cheerleaders? What are some alternative images of successful pro- fessional women