Home X D21 Launch Module Five: Analyzing H x M Southern New Hampshire Univer X Google Translate X + V X -CD snhu.mindedgeonline.com/content.php?cid=170479 Paused mySNHU Login Sophia : Welcome Is Workouts For Wom.. Google Translate e YouTube . Maps M My gmail * one walmart RINGY f (15) Facebook Job Search | Indeed > > Other bookmarks HIS 200: Applied History Q The Voting Rights Act: Further Read... Previous Next Pildes: Blame the Voting Rights Act Kennedy: Don't Blame the VRA Pildes: Blame the Voting Rights Act The following excerpt, from a scholarly article on the impact of the Voting Rights Act, or VRA, focuses on the effect that the VRA had in ending the long-time Content Navigation Democratic Party dominance of Southern politics. It is excerpted from "Why the Center Does Not Hold: The Causes of Hyperpolarized Democracy in America," by prominent political scientist Richard Pildes. Click on the title of the article to read, download, and print a copy of the text. These readings are provided by the Shapiro Library. This reading is required. You will have to log into Shapiro Library with your SNHU credentials. The 1965 VRA, and related changes in the era in constitutional doctrine and law, began the process of unraveling this system. The VRA began what might be considered the "purification" or "maturation" of the American political system. Put another way, the VRA initiated the rise of a genuine political system in the South, which meant the destruction of the one-party monopoly and the emergence, eventually, of a more normal system of competitive two-party politics. Just as the peculiar structure of the one-party South had projected itself onto the shape of national political parties, so too this dramatic transformation of Southern politics in turn reshaped the essential structure of the national political parties. As the VRA and related measures broke down the barriers to electoral participation in the South-literacy tests, poll taxes, manipulative registration practices, and durational residency requirement-a massive infusion of new voters, mostly black but white 68F G 11:42 PM Cloudy O ENG ~ ( D 10/3/2022Home X D21 Launch Module Five: Analyzing H x M Southern New Hampshire Univer X Google Translate X + V X -CD snhu.mindedgeonline.com/content.php?cid=170479 Paused mySNHU Login Sophia : Welcome Is Workouts For Wom.. Google Translate e YouTube 9 Maps M My gmail * one walmart RINGY f (15) Facebook Job Search | Indeed > > Other bookmarks HIS 200: Applied History Q The Voting Rights Act: Further Read... Previous Next everitually, Ol a more Torial System Of Competitive two-party politics. Just as The peculiar structure of the one-party South had projected itself onto the shape of national political parties, so too this dramatic transformation of Southern politics in turn reshaped the essential structure of the national political parties. As the VRA and related measures broke down the barriers to electoral participation in the South-literacy tests, poll taxes, manipulative registration practices, and durational residency requirement-a massive infusion of new voters, mostly black but white Content Navigation as well, entered and reconfigured Southern politics. These voters were, on average, much more liberal than the median voting white Southerner had been before 1965. No longer could conservative, one-party political monopoly be maintained. Over the next generation, these new voters ripped asunder the old Democratic Party of the South, eventually fragmenting it into two parties: a highly conservative Republican Party, into which many of these formerly Democratic Southern voters fled, and a new, moderate-to-liberal Democratic Party that was more in line ideologically with the rest of the Democratic Party nationwide. There was, of course, a self-reinforcing feedback dynamic to this whole process as well; as the Democratic Party became more liberal in the South, more conservatives fled; as more conservatives fled, the Democratic Party became even more liberal. At the national level, the progressive strands on racial issues that had existed in the Republican Party diminished, to be replaced by a more conservative stance on racial issues, while the Democratic Party at the national level became the party of racial liberalism 68F W G 11:42 PM Cloudy O ENG ~ ( D 10/3/2022Home X D21 Launch Module Five: Analyzing H x M Southern New Hampshire Univer X Google Translate X + V X -CD snhu.mindedgeonline.com/content.php?cid=170479 Paused mySNHU Login Sophia : Welcome IS Workouts For Wom.. Google Translate e YouTube 9 Maps M My gmail * one walmart RINGY f (15) Facebook Job Search | Indeed > > Other bookmarks HIS 200: Applied History Q The Voting Rights Act: Further Read... Previous Next Kennedy: Don't Blame the VRA The following excerpt, from a scholarly rebuttal to Pildes's analysis of the effects of the Voting Rights Act, argues that today's political polarization is caused in large part by the divisive nature of the issues being debated. It is excerpted from "What Pildes Missed: The Framers, the True Impact of the Voting Rights Act, and the Far Content Navigation Right", by prominent political scientist David M. Kennedy. Click on the title of the article to read, download, and print a copy of the text. These readings are provided by the Shapiro Library. This reading is required. You will have to log into Shapiro Library with your SNHU credentials. Professor Pildes has perhaps focused too much on institutional factors and too swiftly cast out of the discussion the substantive content of American politics today. For example, I referred earlier to the Civil War. One would have a heavy burden of proof to carry if one wished to explain that systemic breakdown of the usual political process without mentioning slavery. Similarly, we cannot fully grasp the divisiveness of our own political moment without acknowledging the salience of issues that are by their very nature polarizing. These issues elude the capacity of a political system designed to reconcile differences and have many of the properties that slavery had in the nineteenth century. They include abortion and gay marriage, to take the two most conspicuous examples, though one might easily add issues of war and peace. These matters are all highly emotionally charged and ideologically grounded. They simply do not lend themselves to the kind of compromising that is the stuff of https://snhu.mindedgeonline.com/content.php?cid=170479#tabs-2 "normal" politics. They might be called Solomonic issues. where the interests at 68F Cloudy O * W 11:43 PM ENG ~ ( D 10/3/2022a Home x l LaunchModuleFive Analyzing x M SoulheinNewllainpshire Unlv x E; GoogleTranslate x l + v 7 a X (- C O i snhumindedgeonlinecom/contentphpicid:170479 l3 1'21 I. I} e >aused I] mySNHULogin Sophia::Wel(ome a WorkoutsForWom'.' a EoogleTranslate IIYouTube " Maps M Myginail onewalmart (g RINGV 0 (15]Faiebook "I JobSeaicnUndeed Otherhookinarks HIS 200: Applied History J The Voting Rights Act Further Read . 7 Similarly, we cannot fully grasp the divisiveness of our own political moment Without acknowledging the salience of issues that are by their very nature polariZing. These issues elude the capacity of a political system designed to reconcile differences and have many of the properties that slaveiy had in the nineteenth century. They include abortion and gay marriage, to take the two most conspicuous examples, though one might easily add issues of war and peace. These matters are all highly emotionally charged and ideologically grounded. They simply do not lend themselves to the kind of compromising that is the stuff of "normal" politics. They might be called Solomonic issues, where the interests at stake are indivisible and the only solutions acceptable to stakeholders are unitary, not comprehensive. Additionally, polarization affects different political camps differently. What we have today might be characterized as "asymmetric polarization." The conservative right is much more demographically and culturally homogenous and much less inclined to compromise on value-laden social issues than the much more heterogeneous Democratic Party. Finally, among the factors that underwrote the halcyon days of harmony and bipartisanship in the post-war era was a phenomenally well-performing economy. It is no aooident that the substantial fulfillment ofthe civil rights agenda, after a century of postponement, took place in that context ofshared affluence, raising expectations all around, and great national self-confidence. Conversely, much of the acrimony that crept into our political culture after the 19605 has reflected the much more constrained economic circumstances of that later period. 11:44 PM a "' '1' D 10/3/2022