Sexuality & Culture (2012) 16:103-117 DOI 10.1007/s12119-011-9103-4 ORIGINAL PAPER Sexualization in Lyrics of Popular Music from 1959 to 2009: Implications for Sexuality Educators P. Cougar Hall Joshua H. West Shane Hill Published online: 1 September 2011 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011 = Abstract This study analyzed sexualization in lyrics of popular music in the final year of six decades. The study sample was comprised of Billboard Hot 100 year-end songs from 1959, 1969, 1979, 1989, 1999, and 2009 (N 600). Regression analysis was used to compare the presence of sexualized lyrics from 1959 with other study years. Male artists' lyrics (OR = 2.163; p = .029; CI = 1.080-4.333), non-White artists' lyrics in 1999 and 2009 (OR = 2.670; p < .001; CI = 1.5544.586), and 2009 lyrics (OR = 3.439; p = .003; CI = 1.515-7.809), were significantly more likely to contain sexualization. Recent research associating sexual content in media with adolescent sexual activity together with findings demonstrating a connection between exposure to objectifying media and self-sexualized behavior make this study's findings significant to sexuality educators desiring to improve sexual health outcomes and promote healthy adolescent sexual development. Sexuality educators should be cognizant of the recent significant trend toward the inclusion of sexual- ization in music lyrics and the probable impact such music may have on adolescent sexual behavior and attitudes. . . Keywords Sexualization in music lyrics Sexualized lyrics Sexual content in music Sexual content in media Sexualization in popular-music lyrics Adolescent sexual behavior Adolescent sexual development Sexuality education P. Cougar Hall () S. Hill Department of Health Science, Brigham Young University, Richards Building 229-E, Provo, UT 84602, USA e-mail: cougar_hall@byu.edu J. H. West Department of Health Science, Brigham Young University, Richards Building 229-D, Provo, UT 84602, USA Springer 104 P. Cougar Hall et al. Sexualization in Lyrics of Popular Music from 1959-2009 105 Introduction Child and adolescent media consumption continues to increase. Television is the most consumed media platform among 8- to 18-year-olds (Roberts et al. 2010). However, the gap between television and music, the second most consumed media platform, is narrowing quickly. Music consumption among 8- to 18-year-olds increased by 45% in recent years, compared to only a 16% increase in television viewing (Roberts et al. 2010). The average young person consumes approximately 2.5 h of music each day (Roberts et al. 2010). The availability and popularity of MP3 players (i.e., iPods) has facilitated the increase in music consumption among children and adolescents. During the 5 years from 2004 to 2009, MP3 ownership alone increased among 8- to 18-year-olds by over 400% and currently more than 75% youth own an MP3 player (Roberts et al. 2010). Youth now consume the majority of their music (64%) through MP3 players, computers, and cell phones, while music consumption from radio and CDs account for just 23 and 12%, respectively (Roberts et al. 2010). Despite the increase in music consumption, and the greater opportunities for private listening, only 10% of youth report that their parents have established restrictions related to their music consumption (Roberts et al. 2010). Recent research has begun to demonstrate a relationship between adolescent exposure to sexual content in media and sexual activity. Bleakley et al. (2008) identified a nonrecursive relationship between exposure to sexual content in television, music, magazines, and video games and sexual behavior. In their study of 501 adolescents, Bleakley et al. found that the more sexual activity in which adolescents engaged, the more likely they were to be exposed to sexual content in media. Similarly, the more adolescents were exposed to sexual content in media, the greater the likelihood that they were engaging in sexual activity. Longitudinally, exposure to sexual content in media was more predictive of sexual behavior than sexual behavior was of exposure to sexual content. Chandra et al. (2008) further established an association between exposure to media sex and sexual activity in their study investigating viewing sex on television as a predictor of teen pregnancy. In this study of 701 adolescents who were exposed to high levels of sexual content on television were twice as likely to experience a teen pregnancy compared to those with low levels of exposure. Several studies have specifically examined the relationship that sexual content in music may have on the sexual behaviors of adolescents. Pardun et al. (2005) found a significant association between both sexual activity and future intentions to be sexually active with music exposure. In a longitudinal study of over 1,000 teens, Brown et al. (2006) found heavy exposure to sexual media between the ages of 12 and 14 more than doubled the likelihood that teens would have sexual intercourse between the ages of 14 and 16. Similarly, exposure to degrading sexual references was significantly related to initiating non- coital and coital sexual activity among adolescents in a longitudinal study conducted by Martino et al. (2006). Brown et al. (2006) discovered one of the strongest predictors of risk for early sexual intercourse for both Black and White teens was the perception that his or her peers were having sex. Adolescents consistently overestimate the risky sexual Springer behavior of their peers (Lewis et al. 2007). One source of these misperceptions is the entertainment media that teens consume (Ward 2003). Research on media consumption suggests that with added exposure, teens largely adopt sexualized displays and portrayals in media as normative (Gerbner et al. 1994; Shrum 1999). Such findings support multiple theories on human behavior including Social Cognitive Theory, Cultivation Theory, and Super-Peer Theory. According to Social Cognitive Theory, observational learning is the result of exposure to behavioral models in displayed in the media or through interpersonal interactions (Glanz et al. 2008). Observational learning is the primary source for the development of outcome expectations, or the anticipated results and subsequent reinforcements of a particular behavior. Likewise, Cultivation Theory addresses the impact that mass media themes have on communities and cultures (Glanz et al. 2008). Cultivation Theory specifically states that as individuals are increasingly exposed to a particular media message or perspective, the greater the likelihood this message or perspective will be adopted or accepted as reality (Gerbner et al. 1994). Cultivation Theory thus results in a mediated reality where that which is seen or heard most becomes that which is most believed. According to Super-Peer Theory, media is a powerful factor in defining social norms for teens (Strasburger 2002; Strasburger and Wilson 2002), even exceeding the influence of traditional peer groups (Strasburger 1997). Outcome expectations derived from the glamour, attention, and fame paid to media icons shapes the attitudes and behaviors of those teens that consume this media. This influence is even more pronounced for teens observing media icons who are most similar to them, and whom teens aspire to become and often attempt to pattern their own behavior and attitudes after (Escobar-Chaves et al. 2005). In the absence of reliable and accurate information related to normative and responsible sexual behavior, media becomes a super-peer capable of teaching and encouraging risky sexual behavior. Each of these theories links messages and themes observed in an increasingly media saturated environment with personal attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors. Teen pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections (STIs) continue to be major concerns for school health sexuality educators. While teen pregnancy rates have declined dramatically in the past 25 years, nearly 750,000 adolescent girls in the US become pregnant each year (Kost et al. 2010). The cost of teen pregnancy is estimated at 9.1 billion dollars annually (Hoffman 2006). Teen pregnancy rates in the US vary widely by race and ethnicity. According to a 2010 Guttmacher Institute report, teen pregnancy rates for Black and Hispanic females ages 15-19 are 126/100,000, which is nearly three times the rate for White teens of the same age (44/100,000) (Kost et al. 2010). Among all ages, births to unmarried women also varies greatly by race and ethnicity, with 28.7% of White, 72.3% of Black, and 52.6% of Hispanic births to unwed mothers (Martin et al. 2010). STI rates are greatest among adolescents and young adults and have increased for all racial and ethnic groups. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), young people ages 15-24 years old have 5 times the Chlamydia rate, 4 times the Gonorrhea rate, and 3 times the Syphilis rate of older Americans (CDC 2008). Racial and ethnic STI rate disparities are immense, as Blacks have approximately 9 times the Chlamydia rate, 20 times the Gonorrhea rate, and 8 times the Syphilis rate Springer Page 5 of 15 106 P. Cougar Hall et al. of Whites (CDC 2008). While each of these health disparities is extremely complex in nature, based upon research connecting exposure to sexual content in music with sexual behavior (Brown et al. 2006), further investigation of differences in music according to race and ethnicity are warranted. In addition the these general public health consequences stemming from exposure to sexual content in music, ramifications related to adolescents' development of sexually healthy attitudes and expectations may also exist. First, the distinction between degrading and non-degrading sexual references in music holds important implications for healthy adolescent sexual development since not all sexual content in music is equal or has been shown to have the same impact on listeners. Lyrical depictions of mutual respect between consenting partners fostering intimacy, bonding, and shared pleasure may be helpful in socializing adolescents toward a conception of healthy and responsible sexuality (USDHHS 2001). By comparison, degrading music, which is characterized by lyrics where one person has a large sexual appetite, the other person is sexually objectified, and sexual value is placed solely on physical characteristics may have deleterious effects. Music, for example, depicting a sex-driven male emotively pursuing an objectified female whose sole value is derived from her sexual behavior, hypersexuality, or sexual attractiveness reinforces and perpetuates harmful stereotypes related to gender and sexuality. Similarly, music that commodifies a woman's body, rendering it the property of others and assigning value equal to its sexiness, may reinforce sexist gender roles and scripts related to the subordination of women in society. Degrading and sexualized music can teach both adolescent males and females that women are sexual objects that exist for the pleasure of others (Papadaki 2001). Exposure to such content may teach a woman to sexually objectify herself by willingly presenting her body as a sexual object for others' use. This type of self-imposed sexual objectification has been termed self-sexualization and is generally distin- guished from healthy sexually expression and empowerment as the woman largely neglect's her own desires and pleasure for that of another (APA Task Force 2007). While it is noted that self-sexualized displays can be considered an empowering act for a female who has taken ownership of her body and is exercising sexual agency (Kipnis and Reeder 1997; Lerum and Dworkin 2009), the dehumanizing act of presenting oneself as a sexual object, the primary focus on pleasuring others, along with the pressure to conform to narrow sociocultural definitions linking attractive- ness and sexiness make self-sexualization a troubling phenomenon (APA 2007). According to the American Psychological Association's (APA) Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls, a female can self-sexualize in three main ways: (1) assuming that her individual value comes primarily from her sexual appeal and behavior; (2) assuming that her sexiness is equivalent to a narrowly defined level of attractive- ness; and (3) thinking of herself in objectified terms, that is, as an object for others' sexual use (APA Task Force 2007). Just as evidence mounts linking exposure of sexual content in media to sexual activity, degrading and sexualized displays of women in media may lead females to internalize such messages and engage in self- sexualized behaviors. In their recent study examining the impact of objectifying media content on women's attitudes and behaviors, Nowatski and Morry (2009) found that consumption of media portraying highly sexually objectified content Springer Sexualization in Lyrics of Popular Music from 1959-2009 107 positively correlated with female self-sexualizing behaviors. Furthermore, exposure to sexual objectification can lead to a host of health related issues including poor body image (McKinley 1998), depression (Muehlenkamp and Saris-Baglama 2002; Szymanski and Henning 2007), disordered eating (Tiggemann and Kuring 2004), and substance abuse (Car and Szymanski 2011). Purpose Recently the APA has called for an examination of the sexualization of girls and women in all media, especially in movies, music videos, music lyrics, video games, books, blogs, and Internet sites (APA 2007). Dramatic increases in music consumption among adolescents (Roberts et al. 2010), along with mounting evidence that exposure to sexual content in music is associated with adolescent sexual activity (Brown et al. 2006), together with findings demonstrating a link between exposure to objectifying media and female self-sexualization, warrants an examination of sexualization in music lyrics. Primack et al. (2008) conducted a content analysis of degrading and non-degrading sexual references in 279 songs from various 2005 Billboard charts and concluded that future research should focus on long-term analyses of music lyrics. Indeed, without a longitudinal perspective of degrading and sexualized music lyrics, it is difficult to forecast how current music content and consumption may impact the future sexual behavior and attitudes of adolescents. The purpose of this study was to conduct a content analysis of sexualization in lyrics of popular music in the final year of each of the past six decades. In addition, this study aimed to determine if sexualization in music lyrics was associated with artist characteristics, specifically gender and race/ethnicity. Methods Sample The Billboard Hot 100 year-end most popular songs across all genres from 1959, 1969, 1979, 1989, 1999, and 2009 comprised this study sample (N = 600). Beginning in 1958, Billboard began tracking one main all-genre singles on its Hot 100 chart. The Billboard Hot 100 has been the industry standard for measuring the popularity of music singles ever since. Currently Billboard Top 100 songs are ranked by radio airplay audience impressions as measured by Nielsen BDS, retail and digital sales data as compiled by Nielsen SoundScan, and streaming activity data provided by online music sources. Whereas previous studies have analyzed songs according to genre, the number of "cross-over artists and songs has grown tremendously (e.g., Taylor Swift), making genre less important for the current study. For this reason, the Billboard Hot 100 year-end most popular songs comprised this study sample. Additionally, this study selected the final year of each decade to study as the Billboard Hot 100 for 2009 was the most current list available at the time of data collection. Springer Page 7 of 15 108 Procedure P. Cougar Hall et al. A document with links to each of the 600 song lyrics was created and organized by sample year. Following initial training related to each study measure, two coders, the principal investigator (PCH) and a research assistant, independently analyzed the top five songs from each sample year (N: = 30). Concordance between the two raters was 96.7% in coding for general sexual references and 93.0% for specific references to sexualization, both of which exceed inter-rater reliability standards established in the literature (Landis and Koch 1977). Songs 6-95 for each sample year were then coded independently with all even numbered songs assigned to the principal investigator and all odd numbered songs to the research assistant. When this portion of the coding was complete, both raters independently coded songs 96-100 for each sample year to check for rater-drift. Rater agreement was 100% in coding for general sexualized references and 93.0% for specific references to sexualization. Provided the rater agreement, the principal investigator's coding for songs 1-5 and 96-100 were used for the final study analysis. Measures Artist Description Coders performed an Internet search for each individual artist or band to determine basic descriptive characteristics. Coding categories included: (1) male soloist; (2) female soloist; (3) male group; (4) female group; and (5) mixed gender group/duo. Race/ethnicity was also coded based upon information gathered online and included the following categories: (1) White, (2) Black, (3) Hispanic, (4) Asian, (5) Native American/Pacific Islander; (6) mixed; and (7) other. Reference to Sexual Activity Each song was analyzed for sexual references, which was dichotomized according to: (0) No sexual reference and (1) sexual reference. Songs which included a sexual reference were further coded using the following categories and subcategories: (1) sexual readiness (prepared to give/receive sexual activity); (2) sexual response (excitement, plateau, climax, resolution); and (3) sexual activity: (a) kissing/ hugging/embracing; (b) manual sexual stimulation; (c) penile-vaginal sex; (d) oral- genital sex; (e) anal sex; and (f) other. Reference to Sexualization Each song was analyzed for references to sexualization. Coding categories included: (0) no sexualization; and (1) sexualization. Based upon the APA's definition of sexualization, references were also coded into subcategories of sexualization including: (1) a person's value comes only from his or her sexual appeal or behavior; (2) person is held to a standard of beauty equating physical attractiveness with being sexy; (3) a person is sexually objectified, or made into a thing for others Springer Sexualization in Lyrics of Popular Music from 1959-2009 109 sexual use; (4) sexuality is inappropriately imposed upon a person; and (5) one person has a large sexual appetite. It is noted that the APA's definition of sexualization does not include the final subcategory coded in this study (one person has a large sexual appetite). This code has been used in previous research measuring degrading music lyrics and has been included in this study in an attempt to connect to extant literature and findings related to sexualized music lyrics. Analysis For analyses, the race/ethnicity categories were collapsed to include White and non- White. Without using this dichotomous measure, the results were not likely to lead to meaningful interpretations due to the small number of artists that were Hispanic, Asian, Native American/Pacific Islander, mixed or other, Unadjusted logistic regression models were constructed to determine the differences between White and non-White artists with respect to the type of sexual references contained in lyrics. Chi-square test statistics were computed to compare the percent of sexualization in lyrics between White and non-White artists and among male, female and mixed gender groups. Adjusted logistic regression analysis was used to compare the presence of sexualization in hit songs from 1959, with songs from 1969, 1979, 1989, 1999 and 2009 after controlling for gender and race/ethnicity. Results Figure 1 shows that White artists performed the greatest percentage of songs for the first three decades of the study period. Whereas in 1989 and 2009 the percentages were equal, in 1999 non-White artists composed the majority of songs. In all decades, male artists composed most of the songs, with mixed gender groups accounting for the smallest percentage, while Female artists steadily increased their representation. White artists were more likely to include lyrics that made reference to kissing, hugging, and embracing (p < 0.05) (see Table 1). Non-White artists' lyrics % of songs 100 White ----Non-White 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1959 1969 1979 1989 1999 2009 Year % of songs 10 220 ...... Male ---Female- Mixed 1959 1969 1979 1989 1999 2009 Year Fig. 1 Percentage of songs performed by race and gender by decade Springer Page 9 of 15 110 Table 1 Type and percentage of lyrics that contain sexual reference by race (n = 600) P. Cougar Hall et al. White Non-white Kissing/hugging/embracing 20.5* 13.00 Prepared to give/receive sexual activity 15.60 22.80* Chi-square test statistics were computed to compare % sexual reference by White/Non-white * p < .05 Excitement, plateau or climax 5.80 Manual stimulation 2.60 13.80*** 3.10 Penile-vaginal sex 4 12.60*** 1.20 4.30* 0.00 0.04 ** p < .01 *** p < .001 Oral sex Anal sex < involved more sexual references related to preparation to give or receive sexual activity (p < 0.05), sexual response (excitement, plateau, climax, resolution) (p < 0.001), penile-vaginal sex (p 0.001), and oral-genital sex (p < 0.05). Female soloists' and female groups' lyrics contained the lowest percent of sexualization at 6.9%, versus 13.8% for males and 13.2% in groups with mixed genders (Table 2). However, the relatively high percent of sexualization in mixed gender group lyrics should be interpreted in the context of the small number of songs performed by such groups. Male artists accounted for 66.6% of songs during Table 2 Percentage of degrading and sexualized lyrics by race and gender by decade 1959 1969 1979 1989 1999 2009 Average % Race White % non 88.1 (67) 93.8 (65) 90.8 (65) 95.2 (63) 97.2 (36) 92.0 (50) 92.9 degrading (N) % degrading Non-White % non 11.9 93.9 (33) 6.2 93.9 (35) 9.2 85.7 (35) 4.8 86.5 (37) 2.8 84.4 (64) 8.0 54.0 (50) 7.1 83.1 degrading (N) % degrading ...9 6.1 6.1 14.3 13.5 15.6* 46.0*** 16.9 Gender Malea % non 89.9 (81) 95.1 (81) 92.5 (67) 88.7 (62) 83.9 (56) 67.9 (53) 86.2 degrading (N) % degrading 11.1 Female % non 100 (10) 4.9 100 (5) 7.5 79.2 (24) 11.3 96.6 (29) 16.1 32.1 96.9 (32) 85.7 (35) 13.8 93.1 degrading (N) % degrading 0 0 Mixed % non 89.9 (9) 93.9 (14) 20.8 89.9 (9) 3.4 100 (9) 3.1 91.7 (12) 14.3 58.3 (12) 6.9 86.8 degrading (N) % degrading 11.1 7.1 11.1 0 8.3 41.7 13.2 Sexualization in Lyrics of Popular Music from 1959-2009 111 the six-decade period, which involved more than 80% for the first two decades (81% in 1959 and 1969) (Fig. 1). Female artists performed just 22.5% of lyrics, most of which came during the years 1979, 1989, 1999, and 2009. Mixed gender groups only accounted for 10.8% of the lyrics in this study. Female artists were responsible for 0% of sexualization in 1959 and 1969; years in which they only accounted for producing 10 and 5% of songs. In 1979, 20.8% of female lyrics included sexualization, which was the highest value for the entire study period. After a marked decrease in 1989 and 1999, the percent of sexualization by female artists again peaked in 2009 at 14.3%. In 1959, 11.1% of male lyrics were coded for sexualization. After a brief post-1959 decline, sexualization by male artists' steadily increased each decade from 1969 (4.9%), 1979 (7.5%), 1989 (11.3%), and 1999 (16.1%). By 2009, 32.1% of male lyrics included sexualization. Table 2 shows that Non-white artists' lyrics contained sexualization 20.7% of the time, while 7.5% of White artists' lyrics included sexualization. The percent of White artists' lyrics that contained sexualization maintained a constant level during the study period, which averaged 7.1%, with a high of 11.9% in 1959. By comparison, the percent of lyrics containing sexualization by non-White artists was at a low in 1959 and 1969 (6.1% in both years), but steadily increased to a high of 46% in 2009. Non-White artists were more likely than White artists to engage in sexualization, but only in 1999 (p < 0.05) and 2009 (p < 0.001). Adjusted logistic regression analyses revealed that non-White artists were almost 3 times more likely to compose lyrics with sexualization (OR = 2.670; p