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Miscues and Comprehension of Bilingual Readers Regardless of the diversity within written languages, socio-psycholinguistic theory offers one common way to discuss bilingual reading behaviors through the analysis of readers' miscues, defined as produced responses to text that differ from the expected responses (Goodman, 1996) and their comprehension. Drawing from the work of Garcia and Wei (2014), research on translanguaging supports the view of the reading process as a universal process without specific processes distinct to writing systems. The reading process, in other words, like translanguaging, transcends language boundaries so that "difference and sameness occur in an apparently impossible simultaneity" (Garcia \& Wei, 2014, p. 21). As such, differences in writing systems are not inherent difficulties for bilingual readers. In fact, bilingual readers become metacognitive and aware of themselves as readers, of language forms and structures within writing systems, and of the reading process (Kabuto, 2015, 2017; Wang, 2021; Wang \& Gilles, 2017). Approaching reading as a unified reading process of meaning-making draws from several premises. The first is that there are certain universal characteristics to written language. A written language draws from characteristics that define a writing system, whether it is English, Japanese, Spanish, or Greek, and all writing systems use graphic forms to represent sounds (phonemes), meanings (morphemes), syllables, or a combination of the three, as in Japanese. In addition, written language is organized by a grammatical structure that helps communicate a message or meaning (Rogers, 2005; Verhoeven \& Perfetti, 2017). When grammar is disrupted, for instance, it may be difficult to predict the who, what, when, where, and why of a message. Table 3.1 provides an outline of the writing system features of Greek and Japanese. Table 3.1 Features of the Greek and Japanese Writing Systems While there are adhesive characteristics in writing systems needed to form meaningful text, written language is inherently ambiguous (Goodman, 2011). The second premise relates to this point and suggests that readers are adept at working within the ambiguity of written language as readers use language cues - syntactic, semantic, and graphophonic - and psycholinguistic strategies - sampling, predicting, confirming, and correcting - to make sense of text. In a study of readers reading Alexander and the Wind-Up Mouse, I examined the repeated miscue for wind (Kabuto, 2014). The word by itself is ambiguous in that it has two pronunciations: wind as the "wind blows" or wind as in the "wind-up mouse." The majority of readers in the study did not have difficulty disambiguating the word when it occurred in a grammatical and meaningful sentence. In addition, some readers who miscued on wind still understood and explained the concept of a wind-up toy and, in the story, Willy was such a toy. In another example of Japanese, the form (ha) can be pronounced in two ways depending on its function in the sentence. In its expected phonetic form, it is pronounced as /ha/ as in the word (hana, flower). When it appears as a particle, however, it serves the function of a subject marker and is pronounced /wa/ as in [Grandmother, who was sick, ended up sitting down on the bed] (Sato, 1995, p. 5). In studying the miscue patterns of Japanese readers for the particle , Ferguson et al. found that Japanese readers did not confuse the two pronunciations of (ha and wa) when it served as a subject marker. Instead, they tended to substitute (ha) with another subject marker, (ga), two phonetically and visually different particles. In sum, these examples underscore the need to delineate reading as a process of meaning construction, as readers draw from language cueing systems and reading strategies to disambiguate written language as they make sense of text. Miscues and Comprehension of Bilingual Readers Regardless of the diversity within written languages, socio-psycholinguistic theory offers one common way to discuss bilingual reading behaviors through the analysis of readers' miscues, defined as produced responses to text that differ from the expected responses (Goodman, 1996) and their comprehension. Drawing from the work of Garcia and Wei (2014), research on translanguaging supports the view of the reading process as a universal process without specific processes distinct to writing systems. The reading process, in other words, like translanguaging, transcends language boundaries so that "difference and sameness occur in an apparently impossible simultaneity" (Garcia \& Wei, 2014, p. 21). As such, differences in writing systems are not inherent difficulties for bilingual readers. In fact, bilingual readers become metacognitive and aware of themselves as readers, of language forms and structures within writing systems, and of the reading process (Kabuto, 2015, 2017; Wang, 2021; Wang \& Gilles, 2017). Approaching reading as a unified reading process of meaning-making draws from several premises. The first is that there are certain universal characteristics to written language. A written language draws from characteristics that define a writing system, whether it is English, Japanese, Spanish, or Greek, and all writing systems use graphic forms to represent sounds (phonemes), meanings (morphemes), syllables, or a combination of the three, as in Japanese. In addition, written language is organized by a grammatical structure that helps communicate a message or meaning (Rogers, 2005; Verhoeven \& Perfetti, 2017). When grammar is disrupted, for instance, it may be difficult to predict the who, what, when, where, and why of a message. Table 3.1 provides an outline of the writing system features of Greek and Japanese. Table 3.1 Features of the Greek and Japanese Writing Systems While there are adhesive characteristics in writing systems needed to form meaningful text, written language is inherently ambiguous (Goodman, 2011). The second premise relates to this point and suggests that readers are adept at working within the ambiguity of written language as readers use language cues - syntactic, semantic, and graphophonic - and psycholinguistic strategies - sampling, predicting, confirming, and correcting - to make sense of text. In a study of readers reading Alexander and the Wind-Up Mouse, I examined the repeated miscue for wind (Kabuto, 2014). The word by itself is ambiguous in that it has two pronunciations: wind as the "wind blows" or wind as in the "wind-up mouse." The majority of readers in the study did not have difficulty disambiguating the word when it occurred in a grammatical and meaningful sentence. In addition, some readers who miscued on wind still understood and explained the concept of a wind-up toy and, in the story, Willy was such a toy. In another example of Japanese, the form (ha) can be pronounced in two ways depending on its function in the sentence. In its expected phonetic form, it is pronounced as /ha/ as in the word (hana, flower). When it appears as a particle, however, it serves the function of a subject marker and is pronounced /wa/ as in [Grandmother, who was sick, ended up sitting down on the bed] (Sato, 1995, p. 5). In studying the miscue patterns of Japanese readers for the particle , Ferguson et al. found that Japanese readers did not confuse the two pronunciations of (ha and wa) when it served as a subject marker. Instead, they tended to substitute (ha) with another subject marker, (ga), two phonetically and visually different particles. In sum, these examples underscore the need to delineate reading as a process of meaning construction, as readers draw from language cueing systems and reading strategies to disambiguate written language as they make sense of text