Question
The 2014 law gives children a voice and has helped boost young workers' self-esteem, said Peter Strack, a sociologist in Cochabamba, southeast of La Paz.
The 2014 law gives children a voice and has helped boost young workers' self-esteem, said Peter Strack, a sociologist in Cochabamba, southeast of La Paz. Authorities don't punish child workers, so "at least they are not hindered and deprived of some rights." Juan Enrique Basilio, who started shining shoes in Cochabamba at age 12, said people used to treat him "like almost nothing." "Things have changed," said Basilio, now 19. "They don't treat you like an animal. You start to feel like a human being." Parents are required to sign permits allowing children to work. Strack estimates that no more than 10 permits have been issued in Cochabamba, where child workers in December complained about low wages.
Most children earn $4 to $8 per day at the city's sprawling La Cancha market. Vendors exploit some children, especially those ages 8 and 9, paying them $1.50 to $3 per day. Or they're given only meals for their labor, said Sandra Caiguara, director of the Brother Manolo Center, a Christian group. Children begin streaming into the market at 6 a.m. to wash dishes and sell produce, and many don't leave until 4 p.m. or later, Caiguara said. "I don't think anyone agrees that a child should work or should be on the street all day." Most children must work to support themselves and their families. "I feel good about myself because I am helping my family," said Jade Sanjinez, 14, an aspiring soccer player who has sold papers in La Paz since age 11. "We all work," said the teenager, who has four brothers and sisters. Jhony Felix, 9, earns about $1.50 per day cleaning tombstones in Cochabamba. "I also say prayers and fetch water for families that visit."
Many Bolivians see it as "normal" for children to work at a young age, said sociologist Victor Paredes. He researched a community where a cement plant was built in 2015. He saw children and adolescents fetch bricks, wash clothes and sell turnovers. Some girls were abused. Others wound up pregnant after having relationships with adult construction workers. The government doesn't investigate such cases, he said. "At the national level, they are totally unaware of the problems that different communities suffer," Parades added. Some children work in "semi-slavery," said Marcos Gandarillas, a Cochabamba sociologist who studies the mining and oil industries.
"Globaliz.ation demands very cheap natural resources from Bolivia," and child laborers are inexpensive and easy to replace, he said. Gandarillas said Americans should care, because many of Bolivia's natural resources, including silver for jewelry, are exported to the United States. Journalist Jorge Fernandez worries about what happens to children after dark. "You can see children who are 4, 5 and 6 years old selling things at night, guarding parked cars, but at midnight?" he said. "That child should be at home in bed, not exposing himself to new risks."
(1) Please describe the case briefly. What is your position on the Bolivian government's decision?
(2) Building on Bartlett & Ghoshal's (1989) typology of generic international business approaches, please discuss the strengths and limitations of the four generic approaches
(international, global, transnational and multi-domestic) in the context of child labour.
(3) How could integrated social contract theory (Donaldson & Dunfee, 1996) be used to inform decision-making of European and North American firms in the Bolivian market in relation to child labour?
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